Social Theory: Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi
25th Aug 2022 by Simon Mabon
Ola Rifai
University of St Andrews
In May 2002, dozens of Arab scholars met in the French Institution of Aleppo to commemorate the 100th death anniversary of Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi (1855-1902). During a two-day workshop, organized by al-Kawakibi's great-grandson, scholars addressed issues of Islamic and socio-economic reforms, identity, and the quest for 'self-revival'. Yet as, Mahir al-sharif, one of the speakers concluded, this seemed "ineffective […] mainly because those intellectuals who are detached from governmental and educational institutions do not have a broad social foundation supported by people" (Al-Kawakibi 2003).
Ten years later, the Arab awakening reached Aleppo within the context of the so-called Arab Spring. In May 2012, Aleppo city, the birthplace of al-Kawakibi was a battlefield for a bloody struggle for power between a variety of Islamist militias, revolutionary youths, and the regime troops. Each has different interpretations of reform, identity, and freedom. Apparently, 120 years on after the death of al-Kawakibi, Syrians are still puzzled over issues of freedom, identity, secularism, reform, and state-building. Paradigms that al-Kawakibi's works have tackled deeply. Hence, it is crucial to revisit some of al-Kawakibi scope of thought and employ it as an analytical toolkit for a further understanding of Syria and the Middle East today.
Intellectual context: The First Wave of al-Nahda
The main essence of Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi’s political thought is rooted in the context of al-Nahda ('Arab Awakening' or 'Arab renaissance’) in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The period was marked by the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the increasing influence of European power in the Middle East. Al-Kawakibi, alongside al-Nahda intellectuals such as Rifa'at al-Tahtawi (1801-1873), Mouhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Ibrahim al-Yaziji (1847-1906), Butrus al-Bustani (1819-1883), and Rashid Rida (1865-1935) were part of the stream that Albert Hourani termed 'Arabic thought in the liberal age' (Hourani, 1983). Despite encompassing different influences and ideologies, these figures played critical roles in conceptualizing complex issues of nationalism, secularism, religious affiliations, and socio-political reforms in the Arabic-speaking region. Hourani argues that al-Nahda intellectuals "who were set apart from those among whom they were living by education and experience, nevertheless, could express the need for their society, and to some extent at least their ideas served as forces in the process of change"(Ibid: vii). In this light, al-Kawakibi strives for the implementation of progressive change in society and dedicated his lifetime to analysing the causes of Inhitat (decay) in the Arab world. To this end, he carefully examined the nexuses between religion and politics, religion and despotism, and politics and society, concluding that the development of a reformist frameworkwas necessary. Born to a prominent family in Aleppo, al-Kawakibi received a traditional education and introduced his ideas through articles in the newspapers that he established, Al-Shahaba, and Al-i'tidal. Although the audiences were limited due to the sophisticated language he used, al-Kawakibi succeed in bridginggaps with people at the grass root level while working as a civil servant, where his activism against social injustice yielded him the nickname abu al-Du'afa' (the father of weak) (Chaikhouni, 2021).
The academic debate tends to ideologise and further categorises al-Kawakibi as a pan-Arabist, or pan-Islamist, or a secularist. Although these ideologies are manifested in al-Kawakibi's work, the paradigms he articulated cannot be limited to these three categories alone. Besides, academic literature neglects al-Kawakibi's reformist project toward state-building and his quest for a multidimensional evolution of society.
Main Argument: reform 'from within'
Al-Kawakibi introduced his hypotheses throughout two seminal works Umm al-Qura (The Mother of Villages-Mecca), and Tabai al-Istibdad (The Nature of Tyranny). Integral to his thinking is the steadfast opposition to Ottoman imperialism as he attempts to shift power to the Arabic-speaking world. Although there are some claims that he may have been influenced by Blunt and Alfieri's work (Hourani, 1983:271), this does not limit the originality of al-Kawakibi ideas "owing no doubt to his strong political interests and convictions" (Ibid).
In essence, al-Kawakibi strives to identify the causes behind the decline of the Arab Muslim umma. To this end, he looks at what al-Kawakibi labels as al-da'a (disease) and henceforth quests for al-dawa' (the remedy). Umm al -Qura is a fictional proceeding from the Conference of the Islamic Renaissance that was held among representatives of many parts of the Muslim world who gathered secretly in Mecca to discuss the decline of the Arab Muslim community. Although al-Kawakibi demands that the Centre of the Islamic Caliphate should move to Mecca as he aims to end the Turks' monopoly over religion and power, he does not advocate the establishment of a theocracy. Rather, al-Kawakibi's Caliphate is entirely spiritual. He uses the term al-futoor al-'am (general apathy) to describe the declining conditions of the Arab Muslim Community and depicts it as a fatal disease. Al-Kawakibi argues that the germ of this disease is 'religious ignorance'. He analytically outlines eighty-six (including primary and secondary) causes of al-futoor al-'am (al-Furati.1932 168-9). He classifies three of them as general causes: religion, political, and moral causes.
Firstly, al-Kawakibi emphasises the tie between religious and political despotism and traces the main cause of the deterioration of Arab Muslim conditions to religion. For him, the abandonment of religious values and religious practice resulted in the corruption of religion as well as the instrumentalisation of religion for political ends (ibid: 317-19). Nevertheless, al-Kawakibi stresses that the problem does not lie in Islam rather it exists in the political agenda of some Muslims who manipulate religion. In this light, he highlights the lack of religious education and the necessity of knowledge (Ibid: 138-9). Al-Kawakibi finds the second principal cause of al-futoor al-'am to be political and manifested in the state hegemony over resources and the political sphere as well as the absence of any type of 'freedom of expression'. In his words "freedom is the most precious thing for any human being, when freedom is absent, apathy will prevail' (ibid:29). He argues that the socio-economic injustice among different stratum of society has a fatal catalyst for nation building (ibid:140).
Al-Kawakibi notes that the third principal reason for decline lies in the deteriorating moral conditions for Arab Muslims and their "acquiescence in ignorance"(ibid:142). He concludes umm al-Qura by advocating a multidimensional reform project. At the core of it are three concepts: separation of religion and state, the significance of education, and the 'good governance' (ibid:169-174). Fundamentally, al-Kawakibi delineated a reform 'from within' project which aims to revive the Arab Muslim community and act as the main cure for the decline. He advocates a top to bottom form project and argues that there should be an interaction with the bottom-up discourse. According to him "the most important remedy is the enlightenment of thought through education and the development of the yearning for progress among leaders of the rising generation" (ibid: 169).
The second and more renowned book by al-Kawakibi is Tabai al-Istibdad wamasari' al-Istibdad (The Nature of Tyranny and the devastating results of oppression), in which he finds tyranny to be the origin of political and social decline in the Arab Muslim world. He conceptualises the political phenomenon of tyranny to be a 'devastating disease' and the remedy for it is al-shura al-dasturiyaa(the constitutional counsel). Interpretations of this book generated heated debate on nationalism, pan-Islamism, modernisation and even socialism in Arab literature.
Al-Kawakibi defines tyranny as the "absolute rule of an individual or a small group without concerns about any possible consequences" dictatorship, despotism authoritarianism or totalitarianism are synonyms for tyranny (al-Kawakibi, 2006:42). He articulates his theories regarding istibdad through seven chapters, after a short preface and a brief introduction, he looks at the causes of tyranny and illustrates the interrelations between oppression and religion, knowledge, honor,wealth, ethics, and progress. For him, despotism is a product of these matters.
Al-Kawakibi stresses that tyranny and religion have interdependent and complex relations and argues that political entrepreneurs manipulate religion for self-interests, in his words "every political tyrant adopts some sacred adjectives alongside God, or assumes a position related to God. Tyrants always surround themselves with clergymen supporters to help them suppress people in the name of God" (ibid:47). Nevertheless, al-Kawakibi assures that "freedom is the basis of Islam, as it lights away despotism […] and demands justice" but "unfortunately, the religion lost its faithful supporters and Wisemen and fell prey to the tyrants" (Ibid: 54). A central theme of his discussion is that authoritarianism is embedded within the society and is demoralizing to all of society.
Al-Kawakibi concludes his book with a brief outline for 'remedying the disease' which lies in the social revival because according to him "before resisting tyranny, a replacement political plan should be prepared" and that "the only effective way to completely abolish tyranny is the progress of the nation […] which can be accomplished by education and motivation" (ibid 180-3).
In application: The Evolution Rather than The Revolution
Although al-Kawakibi's fascinating contribution to the social theory is more than one century old, it is still relevant to today's Middle East and the new reality that the Arab Spring produced. Henceforth scholars working in the socio-political research on the Middle East should consider employing al-Kawakibi's thoughts as a critical tool to explore complex phenomena like democratization and desectarianisation.
Al-Kawakibi worked ceaselessly to illuminate the interdependency of religious and political authoritarianism which at this time has a powerful influence in countries like Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon. More importantly, this interdependency has arguablythwarted the implementation of progressive change. However, looking through al -Kawakibi’s lens, this can be tackled by a 'reform from within' and a multidimensional reformist project which engages socio-economic, cultural, religious, political, and religious concerns. Undoubtedly, the separation between religion and state in the Middle East today proves to be more challenging than in the 19th century, given the intra-Islamic conflicts, the various radical jihadist groups, and the military intervention of myriad state and non-state actors. Syria and Iraq are two cases experiencing all these factors. However, according to al-Kawakibi's hypothesis, this can be addressed through a reformist approach toward state-building that is based on civic conceptions and the reconstruction of a multilayered civic identity. This would pave the way to transform religious authority into ritual affiliations.
The focal point of al-Kawakibi's work is self-revival in the Arabic-speaking world. The Arab Spring seems to test his hypothesis regarding al-futoor al'am as civil movements mushroomed and the social foundation for the intellectual realm expanded. More importantly, this is underpinned by an interaction between discourse from above and the one from below. The most recent cases are the Tishreen Revolution in Iraq and the 17 October Revolution in Lebanon, both ofwhich challenged the structured interplay between religious and political authoritarianism. And both are considered as pacific resistance movements, sharing an essential element that al-Kawakibi’s work highlight in the struggle againstauthoritarian regimes. Al-Kawakibi stresses that “tyranny cannot be resisted by force. it should be resisted by peaceful means in gradual steps” (al-Kawakibi 2006, 179). Yet this anti-militarist rhetoric poses limitation to his work and triggers criticism against al-Kawakibi’s views accusing him to advocates utopian approach that is deemed to be inapplicable in such anarchical system. In which armed forces are swinging the balance of power on the ground, and redrawing boundaries within and beyond states.
Seen in this light, a further criticism that al-Kawakibi’s work faces is neglecting the critical roles by external actors in the socio-political spheres in the Arab world.Al-Kawakibi’s reformist paradigm focuses mainly on the internal causes of the decline within the Arab Islamic community without examining the destabilizing implications that external influences pose for the state and the society. The legacy of colonialism and the various alliances between authoritarianism and external state and non-state actors play vital roles in reshaping the region, empowering authoritarian regimes, and undermining progressive change. Therefore, a cohesive reformist project should tackle this issue. However, the core of al-Kawakibi’s philosophy lays on the reform ‘from-within’ and not on the “external pressure confronting it” (Rahme 1999, 163).
In sum, although al-Kawakibi's thoughts are revolutionary by nature, he eloquently illustrates that despotism cannot be abolished through revolution only, rather it requires the evolution of society. The Arab Spring constituted a crucial juncture in this evolution.
Key reading
As’ad al-Kawakibi, Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi Aleppo; Al-Hadith: 1952
Khaldun Sati Husri Three Reformers: A Study in Modern Arab Political Thought Beirut; Khayats:1966
Sa’d Zaghloul al-Kawakibi Abd al-Rahamn al-Kawakibi al sira al zatiyya Beirut; Bisan; 1998
Jan Daya, al-Imam al-Kawakibi: Fasl al-Din 'an al-Dawla , London: Sourakia lilNashr, 1988
Muhammad Jamal Tahhan, al-A'mal al-Kamila lil-KawakibT (Beirut: Markaz Dirasat al-Wihda al-'Arabiyya, 1995)
Raz, Ronen. "Interpretations of Kawakibi's thought, 1950-1980s."Middle Eastern Studies, vol. 32, no. 1, Jan. 1996, pp. 179-190.
Ryuichi Funatsu, "Al-Kawakibi's Thesis and Its Echoes in the Arab World Today". Harvard Middle Eastern and Islamic Review 7 (2006), 1-40.
Stephen Sheehi, "Al-Kawakibi: From Political Journalism to a Political Science of the "Liberal" Arab Muslim," Alif: Journal of Comparative poetics, 37 (2017)
References
Abd al-Rahamn al-Kawakibi Tabai al-Istibdad wa masari' al-Istibdad , Beirut; DAR ANN-NAFAES, 2006
Albert Hourani, Arabic Thoughts in the Liberal Age, 1798-1939, London: Oxford University Press, 1962; Tauber, 1983
Al-Sayyd al- Furati Umm al-Qura, Cairo: Al-Matba'a al Masriyya bel Azhar: 1931
Amer Chaikhouni and Leon Goldsmith The Nature Of Tyranny And The Devastating Results Of Oppression, Hurst: London
Joseph G. Rahme, "Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi's Reformist Ideology, Arab Pan Islamism and the Internal Other" Journal of Islamic Studies 10-2 (1999)
Salam al-Kawakibi, Maher al-Sharif "The Muslim reformist current and its reception in Arab societies, Proceedings of the Aleppo Colloquium on the Occasion of the Centenary of the Disappearance of Sheikh 'Abd al-Rahman al-Kawakibi" French institute for Middle Eastern Studies (2003) pp.152-267